2.0 Narrative of the Visit:
2.1
Saturday September 13th
2.1.1
We stayed at Pyongyang's Koryo Hotel. Thanks
to Jubilee-CSW we were able to cover our own travel and accommodation costs,
thus ensuring our independence. Our hosts provided transport. We were met at the
airport and greeted at the hotel by Kang Nung Su, the Vice Chairman of the
Supreme People's Assembly (SPA), and by Her Majesty’s Ambassador, Mr. David
Slinn (formerly Ambassador to Mongolia). Mr.Kang
was joined by several other senior figures of the SPA and they hosted a dinner
for us. Through our Ambassador we reciprocated this hospitality with a dinner at
the Embassy on the last night of the visit.
2.2
Sunday, September 14th
2.2.1
We began the day with a visit to Kumsusan Memorial Palace - to visit the tomb of
Kim Il Sung. Like Lenin and Ho Chi Minh before him, Kim Il Sung has been encased
in a glass coffin. The memorial is on an epic scale.
2.2.2
Later in the morning they acceded to our request to visit the Bongsu Protestant
church and Pyongyang's Catholic church. A full report of what we found is
contained in the statement we issued to the religious press (attached as
Appendix B). CC's judgment was that it was highly significant that so many
pastors from the South could travel to the North and organise the building of a
seminary. They had two new hymnbooks – a newly reprinted North Korean hymnbook
alongside the previously available South Korean hymnbook - and Bibles available
to them. CC had spoken at the Seoul church of Pastor Kim Soon Kwon, who preached
at the service.
2.2.3
The Catholics are in a less happy situation - with no priests in North Korea.
Services are led by three laymen and so the service is non-eucharistic and the
possibility of Holy Communion denied to believers. DA’s conversation with the
Church President was in the presence of officials (Mr.Han Il Son, Secretary
General of the Korea Council of Religionists, Director of External Affairs,
Korean Catholics Association), and, therefore, circumspect. DA did give Bibles
provided by the Bible Society and resources from the Catholic Truth Society.
Whether they were subsequently allowed to keep these DA cannot judge. There are
no formal relations with the Holy See and the presence of a Legate or Nuncio
would be a significant move forward. Since the seventeenth century and when a
young Korean brought the faith back with him from Beijing, where he had been
baptized there have been over 8,000 martyrs (see Appendix C). DA presented a
booklet with the picture of St.Andrew Kim on the cover. The first Korean
Catholic priest, he was martyred at the age of 25. The President of the Church was visibly moved by the picture
and clearly surprised that the delegation knew St.Andrew Kim’s story and that
the story of their martyrs was known in the West.
2.2.4
Later in the day the delegation went to Mangyongdae Native Home - the village
home of Kim Il Sung. Great emphasis is placed on his humble origins, the
strength of his family's commitment to the struggle against Japan, his closeness
to the people.
2.2.5
Subsequently we traveled to Anju, about 80 kilometers north of Pyongyang, in
South Pyongan Province. Here we met the redoubtable Mrs.Kim Chui Ok - for the
past 15 years the Chairman of the Municipal People's Committee. Anju is an
industrial city of around 200,000 people - many of whom work in the chemical
industry. We were taken to see the work of an Irish aid agency, Concern, who
have been one of the few Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) to remain in the
DPRK. They are hugely respected for their water purification and irrigation
projects. Thanks to their work the aptly named "paddy" fields have
seen an increase of 30 tonnes per annum in their yields.
2.2.6
Among the issues we discussed with Mrs.Kim, whose district is divided into 32 dong
(urban areas) and ri (rural areas), were education, agriculture, health
care, and penal policies. She confirmed to us that adults involved in crime are
referred to the Ministry of Public Security
and may be punished by labour or at a correctional centre. When used as
labour they may be deployed on infrastructure work "dykes, irrigation
projects or used wherever there is a shortage of labour." She told us that
the central authorities reserve decisions on when to use re-education, corporal
punishment or capital punishment.
2.2.7 Mrs.Kim, who is also Chairman of Anju's Justice Committee said that in an average year, citywide, there might be "one or two cases of capital punishment." Last year, she said, there had been "about sixty cases of corporal punishment and quite a lot sent for re-education." She said that these punishments were given for offences "such as theft or things like failing to maintain safety in the factory."
2.2.8
Mrs.Kim told us that there are no churches in Anju. There had been a Catholic
church, bombed during the Korean War 50 previously. She volunteered the
information that believers still, to this day, travel to the ruined church to
hold their own services. When we offered to rebuild the church she said "we
are not interested in churches". CC countered with the words "but we
are."
2.2.9
Mrs.Kim is desperate for a project to pipe water into about twelve high-rise
blocks that we saw in Anju. We have asked for an estimate of the cost and will
take the development proposal to The Department for International Development (DFID)
or for European funding (perhaps linked to a friendship project to rebuild the
church). The pipe project would cost an estimated half a million Euros.
2.2.10
Mrs.Kim admitted the province suffered from shortages of medical supplies.
2.3
Monday, September 15th
2.3.1
We visited Kim Il Sung University; met the Korean Social Democratic Party at
their headquarters and held talks with Mr.Chae Su Hun, the deputy Foreign
Minister. The University's
President told us that despite all the other challenges that existed in 1945,
after Korea was liberated from the Japanese occupation, a top priority of Kim Il
Sung was to build a university. They now have
three colleges, 13 faculties (engaged in the natural and social sciences)
and nine research institutes. Kim
Il Sung university has 1,200 undergraduate students, 2,000 postgraduates, and
2,500 teaching staff/researchers. We were shown around a small exhibition of
zoological specimens. The taxidermists had impressively preserved some specimens
of large tigers, turtles and bears - all of whom, we were told in an obligatory
after thought - had been endangered by US bombing.
2.3.2
The British Council has provided some help with English teaching but when we met
some students and members of the English Department they especially pleaded for
more English books and resources.
2.3.3
When we asked what they currently read we were told "Shakespeare, Dickens,
Agatha Christie and Jeffrey Archer." Helpfully,
the British Ambassador was able to give an immediate commitment to a gift of £10,000
for further books. We also heard repeated requests for students to be allowed to
come to England to undertake language and business studies.
We added that two-way exchanges would be ideal.
2.3.4
The University Vice-Chancellor, Mr.Paek Chol, explained that Australia had
engaged in academic exchanges, in areas covering genetics and cloning of animals
(e.g. rabbits).
2.3.5
Next was a meeting with the Korean Social Democratic Party (KSDP).
They told us that they have 52 deputies in the Assembly (whose chamber we
later visited), comprising some 7.6% of the Presidium. They also have 890
deputies in local assemblies. They are one of three political parties (along
with the small Chondoist Chongu religious party and the Workers Party). We were
told that the Chondoist Chongu Party represents "indigenous religion of
eastern enlightenment." They "regard man as god”. The party's
Founder, Choe Seu, said in 1870 that he had founded his movement to oppose
"western" Christianity. At each of our meetings we presented copies of
the Holy Bible, in the Korean tongue. We gave this special gift from British
parliamentarians because there is a reading from Scripture before all our
parliamentary proceedings, but, on this occasion, we also remarked
that Christianity was a religion with its origins in the Middle East, not
the West.
2.3.6
The KSDP in not an opposition party in any sense that the west would understand.
"We believe in multi-party socialism" they told us. The common goal of
the nation, it was repeatedly stated is "single-hearted unity."
Although Article 67 of the DPRK Constitution allows for the formation of a new
political party there would have to be considerable change before any dissenting
party is permitted: "There is no room for strife or struggle."
2.3.7
The KSDP said that they and the Workers Party of Kim Jong Il "have no
difference in concern for the nation". They said that their differences
were philosophical: "The Workers Party believes in Juche - that man is master of his own destiny; man is master of
everything; man becomes god - in our case it is a belief in independence, the
independence of society."
2.3.8
While the KWP supposedly leans toward representing workers, farmers, soldiers
and "working intellectuals", the KSPD claims to have closer ties with
the middle classes and their children.
2.3.9
At our meeting with Chae Su Hun, the Deputy Foreign Minister, he said he
believed our delegation's presence (which was reported upon daily in the
newspapers and on DPRK television) was "a really excellent initiative -
broadening relations in the field."
2.3.10
Mr.Chae related some of Korea's history. He
explained that in 1905, the US signed a treaty with the Japanese, whereby the US
agreed not to obstruct Japan's growing domination of Korea in return for Japan
not obstructing the US's growing dominance in the Philippines.
He did not mention that the UK signed a treaty with Japan in the same
year with a similar agreement protecting the UK's influence in China.
2.3.11
We had a detailed discussion about foreign affairs and defence. Mr.Chae candidly
admitted that the collapse of the markets in the former socialist countries has,
along with US sanctions, been economically ruinous. Combined with several
natural disasters which had occurred since 1994, this had badly damaged capacity
and output. He claimed, however, that "the people are in high spirits and
are well educated."
2.3.12
On the nuclear standoff he said DPRK's "final purpose" was the
denuclearisation of the peninsular. He (and every other senior figure we
encountered) stated categorically that they believed that the nuclear
confrontation could be "resolved by peaceful means." Mr.Chae said that
both sides could take simultaneous action and he said that mood change would be
facilitated if the US could abandon " their position of hostility towards
the DPRK." If this occurred "we would then give up the nuclear
programme and then dismantle…." This would "lead to the
establishment of diplomatic relations."
2.3.13
Mr.Chae insisted that for the DPRK "to lay down arms in advance of such an
engagement would be death"; that "our nuclear programme is for the
purposes of deterrence not for offensive purposes"; that "our final
purpose is to make the peninsular nuclear free"; and he summed up the two
key issues that could lead to resolution of the confrontation as:
·
A
US commitment not to launch a pre-emptive attack, "not to fight
one-another"; and
·
a
long-term commitment to peaceful co-existence on the peninsular.
2.3.14
"Our demand is very humble" he said.
Mr.Chae made it clear that he would prefer bilateral talks with the US
and that the DPRK was deeply unhappy with the six nation multilateral talks. We
reiterated that the UK and the EU both believed that the multilateral approach
would be the most productive route. Mr.Chae did not repeat his government's
reported statement that they would not participate in another six nation round
of negotiations.
2.3.15
We proceeded to raise the issue of human rights with Mr.Chae and handed him the
details of two South Korean pastors who were abducted in 1995 and 2000 (see
Appendix D). We said that we did not expect an immediate response and that if
one were not forthcoming by the time of our departure we would seek a response
from the DPRK Ambassador in London. Mr.Chae responded by stating:
"We also believe that the human rights issue is very important. We
are not hesitant to hold a dialogue - although the question is whether it
creates dialogue or confrontation. How to define human rights is the issue; the
most important issue is the sovereignty of a State.
The worst violation is to invade another country.
The second right is the right to existence, the right to life." He
went on to say that in the DPRK there was "no homelessness, no mafia, no
drugs, no illiteracy, no unemployment, no alcohol problems" and then to ask
whether "30 million unemployed and 3 million imprisoned in the US
constitutes human rights; or 25,000 homeless in Japan. What would be their
response if you asked them about human rights?"
2.3.16
He went on to say that they had tasted the bitter experience of permitting two
French Senators to visit a DPRK prison, allowing them to take notes and
photographs, only to have their return to France immediately followed by damning
press coverage of the DPRK prisons. He said he had been genuinely shocked that
the EU had adopted a hostile resolution against the DPRK last March. When we
pressed him further with our own request to send a UK team into the prisons he
said "if there is more co-operation you could visit…But if our MFA asks
the government to allow you to visit the prisons now, they will not accept.
Mr.Chae suggested that when DPRK-EU relations were more favourable, such
visits would be possible.” The
issue of abductions was raised. The
meeting, scheduled for under an hour, ran onto one hour 45 minutes.
2.3.17
We then met with Ri Ryong Nam, the Vice Minister of Foreign Trade. He was candid
about the difficulties facing the country's economy but expressed some optimism:
"where there are no smiles there is no progress." He explained the
foci for economic reform in the DPRK. He said the most acute shortage was power, and so there was
an urgent need to build large-scale hydro-electric power stations and to rebuild
coal-fired thermal power stations, as well as small scale hydro stations on
rivers and streams. Solar and
biogas generators were mentioned at another meeting.
2.3.18
Secondly rail transport needed to be revitalised by producing freight and
passenger carriages and by upgrading track.
2.3.19
He said steel production needed to be normalised to meet rising demand.
2.3.20
In agriculture, he said the DPRK was working hard to re-zone the fields, expand
double cropping, "a seed revolution" and the cultivation of potatoes.
2.3.21
Light industry would be encouraged, aiming to mass-produce consumer goods,
including foodstuffs.
2.3.22
He said that they had introduced an Investment Protection Agreement and a Dual
Taxation Agreement to protect investors but "I am well aware of the close
linkage of political and economic issues" and conceded that without the
resolution of the political problems the climate would not become conducive to
business. "We will keep open our doors to businessmen and economists from
the UK and will co-operate with investors. We will give greater encouragement to
deepening our understanding of their needs and will formulate a small-steps
strategy."
2.3.23
When asked about adapting to an age of Information Technology he said "we
will actively encourage a broadband system; we will link our domestic intranet
to the internet and we will allow the use of mobile telephones in order to
create a better environment for businesses to flourish." The freeing of
business in this way would also begin to open the country to human commerce and
exposure to the concepts of free speech and individual liberty.
There is a strong and growing interest in adopting high technology
applications all round.
2.3.24
As for travel and tourism, the Minister appreciated that they would have to
create more infrastructure, improve the service industries, and normalise the
political climate. All this said, the exterior of the Trade Ministry is still
bedecked with tired giant-sized portraits of Lenin and Marx and a regulation
hammer and sickle (and with the KWP addition of a brush-pen).
2.3.25
Our last meeting of the day was held with the Korean Worker's Party. Their Vice
Director of the Central Committee, Ji Jae Ryong, is also a member of the
National Assembly. He had been in the UK in 2001 and held meetings with several
UK MPs. For our partisan benefit,
he stressed the Conservative meetings he had had, namely with Cheryl Gillan MP
(Member of Parliament for Chesham and Amersham) and the former Prime Minister,
Sir Edward Heath.
2.3.26
Mr.Ji said that the recent "popular celebrations" marking the 55th
anniversary of the founding of the DPRK illustrated "the single hearted
unity of Kim Jong Il with his people: a unity that will never be
breakable." He told us that the US had predicted that the DPRK "would
be wiped off the map" but "we are even stronger and taller." This
had all been achieved by creating the songun
("military first") policy. He added that "the future of socialism
and the fatherland rests upon the barrel of a gun." He quoted a Korean
proverb that "a small pepper, although very small, can be very
bitter." When we challenged the use of gun barrel diplomacy and language he
stated that "other approaches are useless: only the gun barrel can
guarantee the sovereignty of a country."
2.3.27
Mr.Ji summed up his Party's platform as "independence, peace and
friendship." Having dispensed with the language of "military
first" he switched to the milder metaphor of "building a rainbow
bridge" over which they would create deeper relationships. His party, he
said, has fraternal relations with 400 political parties worldwide.
Of his leader, Kim Jong Il and "the great leader" (Kim Il Sung)
he said "we respect and worship them."
2.4
Tuesday, September 16th
2.4.1
During the morning we traveled to the border, the inaccurately named de-militarised
zone (DMZ), to Panmunjom. About 70
km north of Seoul and 168 km south of Pyongyang, Panmunjom is the "peace
village" where at 10.00am on July 27th 1953 the Armistice ending
the Korean War was signed. The war had begun on June 25th 1950 and
the DPRK officials told us that they estimate that around 2 million people lost
their lives in the hostilities that ensued. The DMZ is a no-man's land running
2km either side of the central dividing line between the north and south.
It bristles with military outposts, observation towers, and at Panmunjom,
separated by a few yards, troops from the two Koreas stand in silent
confrontation. Between 1976 and 1979 permanent barriers bisecting the peninsular
were put in place. The entire width of the DMZ was land mined in the early days
and the DPRK military confirmed to us that no record existed of their location
(thus hampering clearance should the zone ever be dispensed with).
2.4.2
We visited the building where the armistice was agreed and were genuinely struck
by the pain felt by our hosts over the division of Korea. On the monument
erected to Kim Il Sung at Panmunjom on the first anniversary of his death appear
the words: "the biggest gift I could give the Korean nation is the gift of
re-unification." Although
careful to emphasise their willingness to co-exist with the south as "two
systems in one nation" the prize of re-unification would undoubtedly spur
the north to make considerable concessions and changes.
2.4.3
The DMZ reminded us of the theatre of the absurd. South Korean soldiers made a
point of filming our presence on the other side of the line, as presumably they
do with all visitors, while tourists arrived on both sides to gawp at one
another. We were struck by how apposite are J.F.Kennedy's words to the divided
city of Berlin. If the entire world needed to become Berliners perhaps we all
need to become Koreans and understand the pain represented at Panmunjom. We left
the thought in the visitors’ book that "men should build bridges, not
walls."
2.4.4
On our return to Pyongyang we made a courtesy call on the Chairman of the
Supreme People's Assembly, Choe Tae Boc. He expressed concern at "the
extremely tense situation on the peninsular." He also told us about the
August 3rd elections and the "changes" that had occurred in
their wake. Mr.Choe told us that Kim Jong Il had been "invariably and
unanimously re-elected" - "a signal event in the life of the Korean
people." In what was a re-curing theme at many of our encounters he
reminded us of the 36 years of Japanese subjugation: "many of our parents
and grandparents lost their lives in the struggle." In 1945, he said, Kim
Il Sung had to lead "a backward and semi-feudal country."
2.4.5
The duty of the leadership, Mr.Choe said, was to "serve the people" (a
recurring theme on posters in public buildings and in the countryside). During
another discourse on the philosophy of Juche he insisted that "man is master of everything; man
decides everything; the popular masses become the main driving force."
2.4.6
He also said, "speaking frankly there is not much coverage of the DPRK in
the western media. But what there
is, is very bad coverage." He
went on to issue an invitation for the Speakers of the House of Lords and
Commons to visit the DPRK.
2.4.7
Following this meeting we visited Pyongyang's metro system. Dug at 100m, an
exceptionally deep level our hosts confirmed that the stations and tunnels could
be used as shelters in the event of an attack. The metro itself is efficient and
clean and decorated with murals
2.5
Wednesday September 17th
2.5.1
During a visit to the showcase Pyongyang maternity hospital we met staff and
patients. During a later meeting in Beijing with a representative of the United
Nations World Food Programme we were told that the average hospital in DPRK
"has fewer medicines than you would have in you medicine chest at
home." The Pyongyang Maternity Hospital, by contrast, is well endowed and
was built and equipped on the order of Kim Il Sung (built between April 1979 and
July 1980). There are 1500 beds (500 cots, 350 for mothers and 600 for
gynecology and obstetrics. An average of 40 babies is delivered daily. While we
were there we saw some triplets. Their mother had already given birth to a
previous set of triplets and, before that, to three other children. Since
opening there have been 328 triplets and 4 quadruplets delivered with a
premature baby of as little as 800 grams surviving. We saw two new arrivals and
their young mothers - the babies had been named Happiness and Still Strong
Tiger. Fathers are not allowed to
be present at their child's birth within the maternity hospital for
"reasons of hygiene". The
hospital was described to us as "a woman's palace" and its director
enthused that "heroes and scientists are unthinkable without a
mother." By contrast with China no one-child policy is practiced, they say
that abortion, although legal, is rare and that having more children
"increase status and respect." Most of the people we spoke to had
families of two or three children. Later,
at the People's Palace of Culture we met with Jong Yun Hyong, who has been
Director of External Relations for the Flood Damage Rehabilitation Committee
since 1995. He reminded us that the DPRK had experienced its worst major flood
in a century in 1995. Many of the mines were flooded and remain unusable and
Mr.Jong blamed the US for "their persistence in blocking development
aid" to allow reclamation of the mines.
2.5.2
Although he expected a good harvest this year he told us that the average person
would receive only about 350-400 grams of rice per day while the target was a
daily allowance of 600 grams. There had been "some examples of malnutrition
and a deterioration of health." He said the three main factors in
agriculture were "seed, water and fertilizer."
He continued that lack of energy meant water could not be pumped to
fields and that fertilizer could not be manufactured.
Hence lack of power was at the root of the food shortages.
2.5.3
We discussed the reasons why NGOs and the provision of humanitarian aid are
hampered by problems of access, distribution and transparency. He agreed that
about 20% of the country remains prohibited to foreigners: "we cannot budge
here. We learnt from Iraq that you will conduct espionage." He said that
the DPRK government could look after the people in the prohibited areas. As for
the remaining 80% of the territory he said there are now 50 monitoring teams
(some we discovered are individuals not teams) in the country. 19 of these are
from the World Food Programme (WFP), 11 from the International Red Cross and 10
NGOs. In our later discussions with World Vision (who have a virus free potato
seed project operating in most of the country) and a number of other agencies we
satisfied ourselves that access and transparency are much improved over the past
two and a half years. UNWFP told us that "We have come to the conclusion
that food deprivation is not being targeted" by the regime as a political
weapon.
2.5.4
Mr.Jong stressed that while emergency aid was vital, what the DPRK really wanted
was development aid. He concluded
that "Men are most grateful to those who give at the times of their
greatest need."
2.5.5
Later in the day we held talks with Mr.Kim Yong Nam, President of the Presidium
of the Supreme People's Assembly, the most senior political figure we met during
our visit. He ranks number two or three in the country's political hierarchy.
We were told to expect a brief meeting of ten minutes but in the event we
spent one hour and 40 minutes with him.
2.5.6
Mr.Kim reiterated his belief that the nuclear issue could be resolved
peacefully; was keen to see bi-lateral relations strengthened; did not, at this
juncture, believe that there was a specific mediating role that might be
performed by the United Kingdom and told us that behind the scenes US-DPRK
“backstairs talks” were happening in New York.
He remarked on the importance of working for the goal of co-existence
within a re-united Korea.
2.5.7
During this meeting CC conveyed a private letter to Mr.Kim.
2.5.8
Mr.Kim welcomed the news communicated to him by CC that it was the
delegation’s intention to establish an All-Party Parliamentary British-North
Korea group and believed that this would be a suitable vehicle for continuing
dialogue. Mr.Kim accepted a copy of the Bible and specifically asked that
“Christians in the West be asked to pray for the people of Korea.” His final
message was to emphasise that the people do not hate the Americans; and that
“change can take place more quickly than we might have though possible.”
This was repeated by a senior official as we left the city’s railway station
on the following morning.
2.5.9
CC subsequently went for a 2-hour walk around Pyongyang, without any
restrictions or “minder.” Free to walk wherever she chose, she was
encouraged by this freedom, very different from the situation experienced in
some other Communist countries. Also encouraging was the demeanor of the people:
friendly, smiling and, in several places enjoying dancing in the open air in
situations which could not have been contrived as “showcase” events. There
were shops, which, although not comparable to western stores in choice and
abundance, had more supplies than non-party shops in the former Soviet Union. We
recognise that Pyongyang is not typical of the whole of the DPRK but it compares
favourably in atmosphere with capital cities such as Moscow, Warsaw or Bucharest
in the days of the “Iron Curtain.”
2.5.10
The day concluded with a dinner and discussion hosted at the British Embassy
(during which the DPRK delegates responded to the points in the private
communiqué delivered to Mr.Kim Yong Nam). They reminded us of the Korean
proverb that “where there is blossom it is because there is no wind.”
2.5.11
By and large, the DPRK authorities accommodated the itinerary we had requested
while in London, although they were not able to make significant additions at
the last minute.
2.5.12
The delegation was free to use video and still cameras throughout the trip
(except at Kim Il Sung's mausoleum).
2.5.13
Although the delegation received several specific requests for help, officials
were reluctant to give their contact details, making it difficult to follow up
the requests.
2.6
Thursday September 18th
2.6.1
The delegation left Pyongyang railway station and traveled throughout the day
and overnight by train through North Korea to the Chinese capital of Beijing.
The countryside was poor but cultivated. Tractors and oxen worked the fields.
Hay making and harvesting were underway and people were going about everyday
tasks. Although the country is totally State-controlled we were struck that it
did not “feel” suffocated or oppressed by fear in the manner of the former
USSR. This is not to downplay or deny the use of cruelty and inhumane treatment
of prisoners and dissidents.
2.7
Friday September, 19th
2.7.1
In Beijing the delegation met the British Ambassador, Sir Christopher Hum;
Khalid Malik, the UN Resident Co-coordinator in China; Colin Mitchell, the UNHCR
Regional Representative for China and Mongolia; Douglas Broderick of the United
Nations World Food Programme; and Macleod Nyirongo of the United Nations
Development Programme.
2.7.2
We had asked the Ambassador to arrange a meeting for us with the Chinese Foreign
Affairs Department. He had been unable to do this. We gave him a copy of the
list of North and South Korean detainees prepared for us by Jubilee America and
had a long discussion about their plight. We pointed out that UNHCR had told us
that 200-300 North Koreans are still being repatriated forcibly each week
without status or determination. We said that the punishments are most extreme
for those who have left the country more than once; that they are always harsher
if the individual is connected to a religious organization; and that they face
execution if it is known that they had tried to leave China. We cited evidence
that 26 refugees are currently detained at one checkpoint in Mongolia facing a
very uncertain outcome.
2.7.3
The British ambassador said that his role is simply to raise cases involving UK
nationals or where Chinese policy, involving human rights violations or
religious liberties issues directly impinged on Chinese nationals. We pointed
out that China was failing to honour international agreements about the
treatment of refugees to which they and we are signatories.
2.7.4
We asked for the name of the appropriate person in the Department of Foreign
Affairs for us to contact. Sir Christopher referred us to Mrs.Fu Ying, Director
General of their Asia Department. Before leaving Beijing we delivered a letter
of protest (Appendix E) including the list of detained North and South Koreans
(Appendix F).
2.7.5
During our meetings with the UN agencies we were reminded that in the 1960s the
North Korean economy was twice as viable as that of the South; that “a
developed country has become a non-developed country”; that since the
departure of MSF, health needs had become desperate – “an unlimited need”;
that following food shortages and famine “there are not many elderly people
left in the DPRK”; that in the north east, on the border with China, orphaned
children whose parents had died during the famine were living on the streets:
“flower swallows” as young as 7; that the DPRK’s failing infrastructure
means that, for instance, 60-70% of electricity transmission “is lost down the
grid” and that, in their view, China’s pressure on the DPRK meant that “we
are no longer heading towards Armageddon” but also that “the US has no real
interest in resolving this matter.”
(A
complete itinerary of our visit appears in Appendix G).